This dissertation analyses the development of Tunisia’s Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) policies by examining two local programmes focusing on training imams in democratic discourses and values. Taking a genealogical approach, this thesis examines P/CVE measures as the latest iteration of a postcolonial enterprise and asks if these programmes result in the exclusion or marginalisation of specific social groups. Its objective is to analyse whether the opening of the political sphere due to the post-211 democratic transition has led to a democratisation of the security and surveillance apparatus, with a desecuritisation of religion and religious leaders’ public role, or whether the state’s control over the religious sphere has remained unchanged after 2011. I chose Tunisia as a case-study because of its long history of systematic control over Islamists and religious groups and movements. Scholars have studied the role of religion and the moderate vs radical Islam binary in maintaining and legitimising the ruling elite in power, while perpetuating the exclusion of disenfranchised social groups. However, the role of security policies and particularly P/CVE in shaping the mainstream discourse on religion has so far been neglected, despite being central to post-2011 transition and in consideration of the multiple terroristic attack in the past four years in Tunisia. Building on postcolonial scholarship and methodological approaches, I use critical discourse analysis, qualitative interviews, and ethnographic fieldwork to examine the implementation of P/CVE programmes in the country and their implications for the de-securitisation of religion. In particular, I have examined P/CVE at different levels. First, my work focuses on the role of Tunisian civil society organisations (CSOs) in training imams to prevent or address radicalisation processes leading to violent extremism. Second, on the donors – mostly international donors – that support such training programmes and the implementation of P/CVE and third, on imams, that is, the receiving end of the training programmes and crucial actors in preventative programmes as non-traditional security professionals. Through 3 interview with international donors, local CSOs and imams, I argue that Tunisian institutions used the P/CVE framework to legitimise the use of special security measures in the aftermath of the terroristic attacks of 2013 and 2015. Such institutional action, however, has not gone unchallenged. In fact, I have observed that local imams partly challenge the implementation of preventative programmes, by accepting their role as community leaders but rejecting their role as security professionals. In conclusion, the thesis argues that the role of religion in the public sphere has remined a highly securitised policy space where, in spite of larger political liberalisation, the state plays a securitarian role – paradoxically, even when its policy role is less central. The elaboration, implementation and assessment of P/CVE programmes is in fact in the hands of international donors and local CSOs, with Tunisian state institutions having a relatively small role in this policy cycle. In continuity with pre-2011 period, the state has not liberalised or de-securitised religion as a policy field.